Документ взят из кэша поисковой машины. Адрес оригинального документа : http://imk.msu.ru/Structure/Linguistics/yakubovich/download/refl-ucla.pdf
Дата изменения: Fri Apr 30 15:11:41 2010
Дата индексирования: Mon Oct 1 20:06:05 2012
Кодировка:

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian: The Case of Reflexive Pronouns*
Ilya Yakubovich
University of Chicago
The origin of the Hittite reflexive clitic = za represents an unsolved problem in Anatolian and Indo-European Studies. The aim of the present paper is to demonstrate that this problem receives a straightforward solution once we admit the possibility of prehistoric structural contacts between Hittite and Luvian. Hittite = za owes its existence to the paradigmatic generalization of the borrowed Luvian 2/3sg. reflexive clitic *=ti/*=di while the Luvian form must be derived from the Indo-Hittite dative clitic *= toi `to thee'.

1.0 Introduction It is a well-known fact that both the Hittite and the Luvian languages belong to the Anatolian group of the Indo-Hittite (Early Indo-European) phylum.1 It is also commonly accepted that the Hittite language of the Empire period underwent partial restructuring under the influence of the Luvian vernacular, and borrowed a large
*

I am grateful to Th. van den Hout (Chicago) and A. Kassian (Moscow), who read through the first draft of this article and made valuable remarks, to C. Melchert (Chapel Hill), who supplied me with useful references, and to Th. Wier (Chicago), who helped me to improve the style of my contribution. None of the above is to be blamed for my shortcomings. 1 Ivanov (2001) attempts to demonstrate that the Anatolian group of languages should be regarded as a linguistic area rather than a genetic unit. It is true that some of the linguistic features traditionally taken as common Anatolian innovations can be reinterpreted as secondary contact-induced changes, and the present article is, in fact, dealing with one such feature. There are, however, several non-trivial common Anatolian innovations whose contact-induced nature is unlikely to be ever proven, such as the generalization of u \ in * amu\ `me' by analogy with *tu\ `thou', the fusion of the prefix pe- with the verbal root ai `to give', or the enclitization of the demonstrative pronoun *o -. This does not mean that such innovations could not spread by way of diffusion in a continuum of already differentiated dialects, but this claim cannot be tested. The comparative method requires that a given common innovation must be treated as genetically inherited unless one can demonstrate its secondary character.

78

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

number of Luvian lexemes.2 The question about the extent of linguistic contacts between Hittite and Luvian in the interim period appears to be more controversial, and is tied up with the discussion of the Hittite and Luvian core areas. Bryce (2003) put forward a hypothesis according to which the local homeland of the Luvians was located in western Anatolia, while their presence on the Central Anatolian Plateau can be accounted for by assuming eastward migrations in the 2nd millennium BC. If we follow the communis opinio according to which the local homeland of the Hittites stretched along the upper and middle course of the Halys river (Melchert 2003a:15), Bryce's suggestion logically implies a gap in Luvo-Hittite contacts spanning the period between the collapse of Anatolian genetic unity and the migrations that brought Luvians back to Central Anatolia. The existence of such a gap does not appear to be borne out by the linguistic evidence. Melchert (2005) has been able to detect dozens of Luvian lexical borrowings attested already in Old Hittite texts. Luvian personal names appear on the Old Assyrian business tablets written in Kanes, which was clearly a part of the Hittite core area, in the 20th-18th centuries BC. Luvian incantations were occasionally embedded into Old Hittite magic rituals, and the country of Luviya is mentioned in the Old Hittite Laws as a land under Hittite jurisdiction, although we do not have any evidence that Hittite kings ever extended their dominion to Western Anatolia before the Empire period. These arguments, taken together, provide weighty cumulative evidence for geographic adjacency between Hittites and Luvians that extended back to the prehistoric period. One must, however, emphasize the statistical nature of such argumentation, whose individual elements remain vulnerable to attacks by devil's advocates. Lexical borrowings may occur between geographically distant languages, itinerant Luvian merchants could occasionally cross the Anatolian peninsula in search of lucrative trade, while the Hittite conquest of Western Anatolia in the Early Old Kingdom period may theoretically represent a short-lived episode that happened not to be reflected in the preserved part of Hittite annalistic literature. The borrowing of grammatical morphemes provides evidence of a completely different kind. The grammatical interference of different linguistic codes must be conditioned by a bilingual environment, which alone may skew the language acquisition process in a large population group. In societies that have no access to mass
2

For the latest appraisal of Luvian lexical influence on New Hittite see van den Hout (2006).

Ilya Yakubovich

79

media and do not enjoy benefits of universal public education, a situation of pervasive language contact could arise only between the geographically adjacent dialects. Therefore, it is enough to prove a single episode of grammatical borrowing in order to draw conclusions about the geographic proximity between the two ancient languages at the time it took place. The purpose of this paper is to build up a case for a prehistoric borrowing from Luvian into Hittite that transformed the system of Hittite reflexive pronouns. In Section 2, I will discuss the development of reflexive pronouns in Hieroglyphic Luvian, which can be accounted for without assuming external influence. Section 3 will be dedicated to the analysis of the situation in Hittite. I will argue that the Hittite reflexive particle = z(a) resists internal derivation from any of the attested Proto-Anatolian clitics, but can be explained as an early adaptation of the Luvian pronominal clitic *=ti/* =di . In Section 4, I intend to dwell on a sociolinguistic situation that could render such an adaptation possible, and to construct a relative chronology combining the postulated contact episode with the relevant internal developments within the history of Hittite. 2.0 Development of Reflexives in Luvian The Luvian language is known through Bronze Age ritual incantations recorded on the Hittite cuneiform tablets, as well as through later texts written in an original "hieroglyphic" syllabary, mostly in the 1st millennium BC. The Hieroglyphic Luvian textual material is more abundant and heterogeneous than its cuneiform counterpart and, therefore, provides a convenient departure point for the discussion of Anatolian reflexives. The system of Hieroglyphic Luvian pronominal clitics can be summarized in Table 1.3 The accusative and dative pronominal clitics are bound by nonlocal antecedents, and occupy syntactic positions that are otherwise reserved for the nouns in the accusative and dative cases respectively. The function of the (so-called) reflexive clitics is much less trivial and will be described in some detail below.4
3

All the forms in the cells below are actually attested in Hieroglyphic Luvian texts. See Morpurgo-Davies (1980:89, n.3) for the attestations of the rare second person pronominal, reflexive and non-reflexive, clitics. The formal peculiarities of Luvian plural clitics will not be addressed in this section. Here and below, I use z instead of the IPA [ts] for the transcription of Hittite and Luvian forms. 4 The functional distinction between the first and second person reflexives =mi and =di and their (mostly) non-reflexive counterparts =mu and =du has been cogently argued in Melchert (1988:41-42), while a similar distinction between 3sg. =di

80

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

Contrary to what one might expect, Luvian reflexive clitics do not appear to denote locally bound direct objects. A periphrastic phrase headed by a noun atari- `person, self' is used in this function.5 This construction was not fully grammaticalized, since the noun atari- could appear in the same syntactic position without a binder. nom. acc. dat.
=mu =du > =ru6 =du > =ru =anz(a) =manz(a) =manz(a)

refl.
=mi /=mu =di > =ri =di > =ri =anz(a) =manz(a) =manz(a)

1sg. (none) =mu 2sg. (none) =du > =ru 3sg. =as (c.)/= ada (n.) =an (c.)/= ada (n.) 1pl. (none) =anz(a) 2pl. (none) =manz(a) 3pl. =ada ==ada Table 1: Hieroglyphic Luvian pronominal clitics.

(1)

MARASГ 4, §3-15 (Hawkins 2000:257)7 |wa/i-tА VIR-ti-i-zi-i ("PES")pa-ti-zi |ARHA ("MANUS+CULTER")REL+ra/i-ha-ґ |(INFANS)ni-wa/i+ra/ini-zi-pa-wa/i-za |("*474")u-si-na-si-zi-i |i-zi-i-ha-ґ |wa/i-mi-i |А-mi-na ("COR")А-tara/i-i-na |А-pa-ara/i |BONUS-li-ia-nuwa/i-ha I cut off the men's feet and made children eunuchs to us, and thereby I exalted myself KARKAMIи A2, §5, (Hawkins 2000:109) *a-wa/i-sa mu-ґ ka-tu-wa/i-ia kar<-ka>-mi-si-za(URBS) REGIO DOMINUS-ia "COR"-tara/i-na POST-ni a-tА BONUS-li-ia-ta But for me, Katuwa, the Karkemisian country-lord, he exalted my person.

(2)

(reflexive) and 3sg. =du non-reflexive has been commonly accepted since the dawn of Luvian studies. The semantic analysis given below is, however, my own. 5 On the meaning and etymology of atari- see Yakubovich (2002:94-97) and van den Hout (2002). 6 The rhotacism *d > r was probably a sound change in progress in Iron Age Luvian, whose implementation could depend on a sociolinguistic register. The exact picture here is difficult to assess since the conservative spelling could have skewed the phonetic distribution of original vs. rhotacized forms in Hieroglyphic writing. For the general phenomenon of rhotacism in Hieroglyphic Luvian see Morpurgo-Davies (1982). 7 All the Hieroglyphic Luvian texts quoted here and below are cited according to the names given to them in Hawkins (2000), or a later editio princeps. I have modified the transliteration and translation of several passages.

Ilya Yakubovich

81

In a few cases, reflexive pronouns are used for locally bound indirect objects. The rarity of such forms is probably conditioned solely by the nature of our corpus, since I know of no other way to convey the same meaning in Hieroglyphic Luvian. (3) MARASГ 4, §9-10 (Hawkins 2000:256) |wa/i-ti-ia-ta |NEG2-a-ha |tА-ti-i-sa |NEG2-a-ha AVUS-ha-sА |sА-ta |wa/i-mi-ia-tА |EGO ITONITRUS.HALPA-paCERVUS2-ti-ia-sa |sА-a-ha Neither (my) father, nor my grandfather "allowed it to himself", but I Halparuntiyas "allowed it to myself."

In a significantly larger number of cases, a reflexive pronoun stands for the locally bound possessor of a verbal complement, usually a direct object. Thus, in example (1) above the reflexive clitic =mi duplicates the possessive pronoun ami- `my' (and not the direct object atari- `self'!), while in example (4) below the reflexive replaces the missing possessive pronoun *abassa/i- `his'. This usage must be considered together with the other cases of possessor raising in Hieroglyphic Luvian. In the case of nouns and free pronouns, the raised constituent normally appears in the dative, as in (5).8 This distribution allows one to treat reflexive pronouns in (1) and (4) as a subset of dative reflexives.9 (4) KARKAMIи A1b, §2-3 (Hawkins 2000:92) *a-wa/i-ti *a-mi-i-sa VIR-ti-i-sa REL-i-ta REL-i-ta || |А-ta5ma-za i-zi-i-sa-ta-i |mu-pa-wa/i-ta-ґ || |BONUS-sa5+ra/i-ti CUM-nМ i-zi-i-sa-ta-I Wherever my husband honors his own name, he shall also honor me with respect.

8

This dative clitic, in its turn, may undergo case attraction and acquire the case marking of the possessum in Hieroglyphic Luvian. The pertinent examples attested in our corpus appear to be limited to the cases of inalienable possession (Yakubovich 2002:193-194). The phenomenon of case attraction remains beyond the scope of the present paper and cannot be discussed here in any more detail. 9 The reservations of Boley (1993:209-219) about the rarity of dative relexives in the earliest Hittite texts lose their cogency if we consider raised reflexive possessives marked by Wackernagel clitics together with this group. Therefore, going somewhat ahead, I must state that no descriptive evidence contradicts the semantic derivation of "ethical dative" reflexives from regular dative reflexives in Luvian.

82

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

(5)

KULULU 5, §10 (Hawkins 2000:486) wa/i-tu-u [А-ta4/5-ma-za ARHA] DELERE-nЗ-tu-u Let them destroy his name

Another large group of examples comprises the cases where Luvian reflexive clitics appear to have no correspondence in the sentence logical form. So far as one can judge, the sole purpose of their usage is stylistic, perhaps stressing the agency of the subject. Thus, in example (6), the king intones that setting up the gods' statues represents his own pious accomplishment, and therefore uses the reflexive pronoun =m(i), whereas the same pronoun is omitted in a very similar context in (7), presumably since no special emphasis is intended. This syntactic pattern can be taken as a subset of a more general phenomenon called "ethical dative." It is used with reference to dative pronouns that have no place in the clause argument structure, but indicate a party which is presumed to be emotionally involved in a situation.10 The usage of reflexive "ethical datives" brings about the identification of this party with the clause subject. The development of dative pronouns with a reflexive function into reflexive "ethical datives" is closely paralleled by certain American English dialects (mostly spoken in southern Appalachia), where oblique personal pronouns are used with ditransitive verbs denoting a self-directed transfer to an agent (e.g. I bought me a gun) but also with transitive verbs that do not require a beneficiary (e.g. I ate me a possum). It is remarkable that the reflexive/emphatic usage of personal pronouns never extends to direct objects in these dialects. (6) KARKAMIи A11b, §17 (Hawkins 2000:101) *a-wa/i-ma-tА |za||-ti-i |("PODIUM")hu-ma-ti |(SOLIUM)i-sЮnЗ-wa/i-ha I myself established them (i.e. the gods) on this podium

10

Compare the following Latin example: Hic mihi quisquam misericordiam nominat "Someone here is mentioning compassion." The ethical dative mihi , lit. `to me', reflects here the speaker's indignation towards mentioning compassion. In Attic Greek, 2sg. ethical dative =toi was grammaticalized as a particle used in direct speeches with the general meaning "let me tell you, mark you, look you" used in those cases where special attention of the person addressed is desired.

Ilya Yakubovich

83

(7)

KARKAMIи A23, §10 (Hawkins 2000:119) *a-wa/i-ta (DEUS)ku+AVIS-pa-na |kar-ka||-mi-si-zana(URBS) MAGNUS.DOMINA-sa5+ra/i-na |POST-ni |SOLIUM-nu-wa/i-ha I re-established Kubaba, queen of KarkamiИ

The emphatic usage of Hieroglyphic Luvian reflexives underwent a secondary grammaticalization in two distinct groups of cases. The first group comprises nominal sentences with first/second person subjects. Since the present tense verbal copula normally does not find an overt expression in Luvian, and since the use of free subject pronouns is optional there in all contexts, the "ethical dative" reflexives emerge as the only obligatory way of expressing the subject of a nominal predicate.11 Thus we would not know the subject of the first clause in (9) if not for the reflexive pronoun =ri. This functional device would be, however, redundant in the case of third person subjects in nominal clauses, since these are always expressed either by nouns, or by subject enclitic pronouns, as in (10).12 (8) KARKAMIи A1b, §1 (Hawkins 2000:92) EGO-mi-i IBONUS-ti-sa Isu-hi-si-i REGIO-nМ DOMINUS-iai-sa |BONUS-mi-sa || FEMINA-ti-i-sa I am BONUS-tis the Country-lord Suhis' dear wife. ASSUR f+g, §11-12 (Hawkins 2000:536) wa/i-ri+i-i |ku-ma-na |ha-tu-ra+a wa/i-za |ni-i-ґ |ma-nu-ha |ARHA-ґ |("*69")sa-si-i When (thou) are to write, do not abandon us by any means. KARATEPE 1, §60 (Hawkins 2000:56) nМ-pa-wa/i-sa ICAPUT-ti-sА Or (if) he (is) a prince.

(9)

(10)

11

For the account of Luvian connective clitics in nominal sentences as etymological ethical datives, see Eichner (1974:68). The reservations of Melchert (1988:42) are unfounded in view of (6) and similar examples. 12 This is a corollary to a more general principle, known as the Watkins-Garrett rule, according to which the third person subject enclitic pronouns cannot be dropped in clauses with unaccusative predicates in all the Anatolian languages. For a detailed discussion of this rule, in its application to Hittite, see Garrett (1996).

84

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

The second group is limited to certain telic verbs, which are homophonous with verbs denoting states. The only verb belonging to this group which can be discussed without resorting to comparative evidence is *asa- (normally written with a logogram SOLIUM). Its meaning with and without the reflexive particle is `to sit down' and `to sit, live' respectively.13 One can hypothesize that the telic marker in (11) and similar cases represents a further development of the "ethical dative" function of the reflexive pronouns, stressing the agency of the subjects, because telic verbs tend to be closer to prototypical transitives than their stative counterparts (Hopper and Thomson 1980:252). The English clause " He thought to himself," which can be used with reference to individual acts of thinking, but not to one's permanent convictions, provides an approximate parallel to the usage of Luvian reflexives in this function. (11) IZGIN 1, §2 (Hawkins 2000:315) wa/i-mi-ta-ґ mi-i-ґ |tА-ti THRONUS-tara/i-ti REL SOLIUMha When I sat down on my father's throne... KARATEPE 1, §24 (Hawkins 2000:51) |А-TANA-wa/i-sa-wa/i(URBS) || |REL-ti |(BONUS)wa/i+ra/iia-ma-la |SOLIUM-MI-i ... so that Adanawa might dwell (lit. sit) peacefully.

(12)

Based on the discussion above, the reconstructed development of reflexive pronouns in Luvian can be summarized in the following tree:
Raised Reflexive Possessives Indirect Object Reflexives "Ethical dative" Reflexives 1/2 Person Markers in Nominal Sentences Markers of Verbal Telicity

Thus, although the pronouns functioning as indirect object reflexives represent but a small proportion of all the clitics =mi/=di
13

Hawkins (1992:262) convincingly argued that Luv. muwa- accompanied by reflexive pronouns represents a precise functional equivalent of Hitt. =za ... tarh#- `to overcome, conquer'. Unfortunately, the meaning of Luv. muwa- without reflexive pronouns cannot be clearly determined out of context, even though the suggestion that it is close to that of Hitt. tarh#- `to be powerful, dominate' remains likely.

Ilya Yakubovich

85

attested in the Luvian corpus, they can be taken as a logical starting point for further semantic developments within this group, which vindicates their traditional designation as reflexive clitics. The next step is to compare the results of our semantic reconstruction with the system of pronominal clitics traditionally reconstructed for ProtoIndo-European (see Table 2 below).14 The reflexive stem sw- , which definitely existed in Late IndoEuropean, does not appear to have any clear counterparts in Anatolian. Whether this represents a common Anatolian innovation, or special reflexive clitics emerged at a stage of Indo-European that postdates the separation of Anatolian, one must assume that ProtoAnatolian had different means to express the co-reference between the subject and the other arguments within a clause. Proto-Luvian indirect object reflexives *=mЙ (1sg.) and *=tЙ/=dЙ (2/3sg.) represent a straightforward phonetic outcome of the Indo-European clitics *=moi `to me' and *=toi `to thee' respectively, while the subsequent contraction of long vowels in these forms probably reflects a common tendency toward eliminating long vowels in Indo-European clitics.15 Therefore, one can advance a hypothesis that the ancestor dialect of Luvian extended the usage of dative pronominal clitics to those instances when they were bound by the local antecedent. This development can be summarized in Table 3:
1sg. 2sg. 3sg. Table acc. dat. acc. refl. *=me *=moi *=me (or *=swe?) *=te *=toi *=te (or *=swe?) *=se *=soi *=swe 2: Proto-Indo-European clitics. dat. refl. *=moi (or *=swoi?) *=toi (or *=swoi?) *=swoi

14

Cf. Meier-BrЭgger (2000:209) and Fortson (2004:129-130). I cannot agree with attempts to take *=se and the reflexive *=swe (resp. *=soi and *=swoi ) as two variants of one and the same reflexive pronoun. The comparison between Hittite =se and Indo-Iranian =se `to him' assures the reconstruction of *=soi as a dative nonreflexive (anaphoric) clitic. The fact that the reflexes of *soi and *se acquired a reflexive meaning in several branches of Anatolian and Indo-European does not need to reflect anything more than the recurrent typological tendency to form new reflexive pronouns based on the original personal pronouns. 15 Thus the Indo-European accusative clitics *=me `me' and *=te `thee' are to be probably taken as "irregular" contracted variants of the stressed pronouns me \:, te\:. Compare also Greek particles d ф vs. = de and = µan/ = µ hn vs. = µen. Note that Cuneiform Luvian plene spellings militate against the assumption that all the secondary long vowels were always contracted in this language in unstressed positions (Melchert 1994:278)

86

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

1sg. 2sg. 3sg. Table

nom. acc. (none) =mu (none) =tu/=du =as (c.); =ada (n.) =an (c.); =ada (n.) 3: Development of Luvian clitics, Stage 1.

dat. =mi =ti/=di =si

(dat.) refl. =mi =ti/=di =si

Melchert (2003b:204, n.31) suggested the next step when he wrote: "The introduction of the enclitic forms -mu , -tu , and -tu as datives [in Luvian I.Y.] would have severely restricted the use of those with i -vocalism, leading to their synchronic analysis as reflexives".16 The Luvian forms =mu (1sg.) and =du (2sg.) must be taken as the reflexes of the Indo-Hittite accusative clitics *=me and *= te , whose vocalism was modified by analogy with independent pronouns amu\ `I' and tu \ `thou'. The merger of dative and accusative first/second person pronominal clitics in Luvian finds a functional parallel in the system of the plural nominal declension, where the accusative ending *-ans > -anz(a) spread to the dative in prehistoric times. This clitic merger failed, however, to be implemented in the third person because of an earlier enclitization of the demonstrative pronoun *o - in the nominative and accusative cases, resulting in the creation of a new anaphoric clitic (nom.sg.m. =as , acc.sg.m. =an etc).17 Since this pronoun was marked for case in the singular in a similar way to singular nouns and adjectives, it was immune to further case mergers within the clitic system.
1sg. 2sg. 3sg. Table nom. acc. (none) =mu (none) =tu/=du =as (c.); =ada (n.) =an (c.); =ada (n.) 4: Development of Luvian clitics, Stage 2. dat. =mu =tu/ =du =si (dat.) refl. =mi =ti/=di =si

16

Melchert cites Luvian clitics in transliteration, rather than phonetic transcription, within this quote. We know that this form underwent lenition and was pronounced as /du/ (vel sim.) in Common Luvian, both due to the fact that the consonant is never doubled in Cuneiform Luvian orthography and because it underwent rhotacism in Hieroglyphic Luvian. The phonetically distributed allomorphs =tu and = du (resp. =ti and =di ) have to be assumed for the earlier stages of the language, on which see Section 4 below. On the phenomenon of Luvian lenition, see Morpurgo-Davies (1982). 17 This new enclitic stem was restricted to the nominative and accusative in all the Anatolian languages except for Lycian and Milyan (we lack information about Carian). In the Lycian and Milyan languages, the innovative dative form =i `to him/her/it' and locative adverb =ije `therein, thereon' arose secondarily (cf. Melchert 2004:26-28, 116).

Ilya Yakubovich

87

The final change that one needs to assume in order to account for the common Luvian stage is the merger between the second and third person singular dative clitics, both reflexive and non-reflexive. To be sure, this change is difficult to justify in functional terms, and yet one has no choice but to accept it in view of its systematic character. Besides the parallelism between the functional extension of =di and = du , one has to mention the existence of the Hieroglyphic Luvian plural clitic =manz(a) `to you, to them; to yourselves, to themselves'. Apparently, all the Luvian dative clitics came to be characterized by the opposition first/non-first person. The accusative clitics were exempt from this development because the anaphoric forms =an/=ada `him/her/it' and =ada `them' had a paradigmatic support from their nominative counterparts. I will have more to say about this process when we discuss the development of Hittite clitics.
1sg. 2sg. 3sg. Table nom. acc. (none) =mu (none) =du =as (c.); =ada (n.) =an (c.); =ada (n.) 5: Development of Luvian clitics, Stage 3. dat. =mu =tu/=du =tu/=du (dat.) refl. =mi =ti/=di =ti/=di

The last change to be mentioned occurred already in the historical period. The late Hieroglyphic Luvian inscriptions bear witness to the spread of =mu , at the expense of =mi , to the first person reflexives, as the following example shows: (13) KARATEPE 1, §63-4 (Hawkins 2000:57) ARHA-wa/i-ta "*69"(-)i-ti-wa/i || (LITUUS)А-za-ti-wa/i-tЮ-sА А-ta5-ma-za PORTA-la-na-ri+i zi-na wa/i-mu-ta || А-ma-za Аta4-ma-za a-ta tu-pi-wa/i I will delete Azatiwatas's name from this gate, and will incise my own name.

3.0 Development of Reflexives in Hittite The set of Old Hittite pronominal clitics can be summarized in Table 6.

88

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

1sg. 2sg. 3sg. 1pl. 2pl. 3pl. Table

nom. acc. (none) =mu (none) =tu/=ta19 =as/=ad =an/=ad (none) =nas (none) =smas =e/=e =us/=e 6: Old Hittite pronominal clitics.

dat. =mu =tu/=ta =se =nas =smas =smas

refl. =z(a) =z(a) =z(a) =z(a) =z(a) =z(a)

18

A number of formal features of pronominal clitics are more archaic in Hittite than they are in Luvian. Hittite =ta `(to) thee' may be directly derived from the Proto-Anatolian accusative clitic *=te `thee'.20 Hitt. =ad `it' directly reflects Anat. *=od, while Luv. =ada `it' owes its final vowel to the analogical influence of other neuter pronominal forms ending in -a. Hitt. =smas `(to) you, them' directly reflect Anat. *=smos, while HLuv. =manz(a) `(to) you, them' betrays the influence of the Common Luvian nominal dat./acc.pl. ending *=anz(a). The discrepancy between Hitt. =nas and Luv. =anz(a) `us' admits of different explanations, but my personal preference is to posit a Proto-Luvian form *=nanz(a) , which later underwent reanalysis in a position after word-forms ending in -n. It is likely that the tonic stem anz- `we /us' played a role in this reanalysis.21 Once we account for these formal distinctions, the initial evolution of Hittite and Luvian clitics is amenable to a uniform interpretation. My reconstruction of structural changes in Hittite leading to the partial merger of dative and accusative clitic pronouns is identical to the Luvian "stages" 1 and 2. Assuming the traditional

18

There is no doubt that that the phonetic realization of the Hittite reflexive particle was [ts], as per KЭhne (1988) and Yoshida (2001). The transliteration =z(a) is retained here solely in order to make this paper more accessible to a broad range of Hittitologists. 19 The synchronic distribution between the allomorphs =ta and =tu in Hittite is morphologically conditioned. The variant =tu occurs before the clitics = z(a) and = san , while =ta occurs before = kan and in chain-final position. On the likely diachronic interpretation of this distribution, see section 4 below. 20 For the change *e>a in Hittite posttonic open syllables see Melchert (1994:137138). 21 Alternatively, one can argue that =anz(a) directly reflects *=n ...s, the zero-grade form corresponding to *=nos. This reconstruction would obviously result in a more straightforward derivation of HLuv. =anz(a) , but would leave us with a question about the relationship between the two ablaut grades at the Proto-Anatolian level. Since Proto-Anatolian plural clitic pronouns did not have a case paradigm, where different grades could alternate, one would have no choice but to assume that the Luvian 1pl. clitic =anz(a) represents a shortened form of the respective tonic pronoun anz- that has ousted the proto-Anatolian clitic *=nos.

Ilya Yakubovich

89

Indo-European proto-form *=moi and *=soi, this reconstruction can be seen in Tables 7 and 8.22 The isomorphism between Hittite and Luvian "stages" 1 and 2 allows us to view both "stages" as common Anatolian innovations. Nothing precludes a relative chronology according to which all the sound changes and analogies that are responsible for the formal distinctions between Luvian and Hittite postdate the implementation of these functional changes. Therefore, one can assume that the two tables contain the provisional reconstruction of the actual ProtoAnatolian forms. The internal reconstruction of Luvian given in section 2 should be modified accordingly.
1sg. 2sg. 3sg. Table Nom. (none) (none) =as (c.); =ad (n.) 7: Development of nom. (none) (none) =as (c.); =ad (n.) 8: Development of acc. dat. =mu =me\ =te/=de =te\ /=de\ =an (c.); =ad (n.) =se\ Anatolian clitics, Stage 1. acc. Dat. =mu =mu =te/=de =tu/ =du =an (c.); =ad (n.) =se\ Anatolian clitics, Stage 2. (dat.) refl. = me\ =te\ /= de\ =se\ (dat.) refl. =me\ =te\ /= de\ =se\

1sg. 2sg. 3sg. Table

Once we move to Luvian stage 3, we can observe that an analogous change was not consistently implemented in Hittite. Hittite, alone of all the Anatolian languages, preserves the dative anaphoric clitic =se < *=soi `to him', which indeed serves as a basis for reconstructing this element in Proto-Anatolian. We have no choice but to assume that a merger between the second and third person singular clitics in individual Anatolian languages postdates the common Anatolian stage. Luvian and Hittite both participated in this process, but the scope of their involvement in it was different in each of the three cases. Hittite generalized the reflexive =z(a), but failed to expand the dative clitic =tu `to thee' to the third person. Luvian extended the usage of both the reflexive pronoun *=ti/*= di and the personal pronoun *=tu/*=du.
22

Eichner (1974:31-32) proposed the reconstruction *=mei `to me' and *=tei `to thee' for Proto-Anatolian, trying to account for the vocalism of Hittite possessive clitics =mis `my' and =tis `thy'. Eichner's claim that Hittite possessive clitics arose out of the historical dative clitics has been meanwhile undermined by the fact that the extension of the old accusative clitics to the dative represents a common Anatolian phenomenon, whereas the cliticization of possessive pronouns is a specifically Hittite development.

90

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

The extension of the second person pronominal forms to the third person is not a common typological phenomenon, and it becomes even more puzzling once we assume that it happened several times in different branches of Anatolian. One has to look for peculiarities of the common Anatolian pronominal system that could trigger this process on such a large scale. The only element that qualifies as a suitable starting point for the analogical spread of this merger is the common Anatolian plural clitic *=smos `(to) you, to them'. To be sure, the common Anatolian status of this clitic was challenged in the past, but the close functional parallelism between Hitt. =smas `(to) you, to them' and HLuv. =manz(a) `(to) you, to them' pleads in favor of this solution.23 One may in fact try to project the existence of such a form back into Indo-Hittite, since the oblique plural clitics TA -m and TB -me represent a perfect phonological match to Anat. *=smos and can be used with reference to all the three persons (`(to) us/(to) you /(to) them').24 This argument, however, cannot be pursued here in any more detail because the linguistic reconstruction beyond the Anatolian level does not constitute the topic of this paper. Because Proto-Anatolian plural clitics could function both as personal pronouns and reflexives, the analogy triggered by these forms could likewise target both reflexive and non-reflexive clitic
23

For a detailed discussion of homonymous second and third person pronominal forms in Indo-European see Katz (1998:234-253). The author comes to the conclusion that the synchronic identity between such forms represents a historical accident in all the instances treated in his dissertation, and specifically suggests two different etymologies for Hitt. =smas `(to) you' and Hitt. =smas `to them', the latter being cognate with HLuv. =manza `to them'. He is not able, however, to provide a phonetic account for HLuv. =manz(a) `to you' and is therefore forced to assume that we are dealing with an extension of a third person form to the second person within Luvian (Katz 1998:241). He suggests further as an alternative that the second person forms =smas and =manz(a) may be in fact cognate, in which case they "both represent a true, and not purely Luvian, extension from the third to the second person" (Katz 1998:241-242). I believe that this last alternative is to be preferred, because it alone provides us with a foundation for explaining further changes within the system of Anatolian singular clitics. 24 Katz (1998:156, 247) suggests that TA =m /B =me referring to the third person do go back to the clitic *=smos , whereas its first and second person counterparts go back to the aphaeretized forms of stressed pronouns *n ...sme `us' and *usme `you' respectively. This reconstruction entails formal problems concerned with the vocalism of Tocharian B, and in addition there is no obvious advantage in deriving Tocharian oblique clitics from Late Indo-European stressed object pronouns, and disconnecting them from oblique clitics in Anatolian. In my view, one can reconstruct the system of Indo-Hittite dative/accusative plural clitics as =nos (1pl.)/ =smos (2pl.)/=smos (3pl.), and assume that Tocharian generalized the second/third person form to all persons. The Late Indo-European 2pl. clitic *=wos `you' can be explained as an innovation based on stressed forms and obtained through a proportional analogy of the type no\s/=nos ~ wo\s/X.

Ilya Yakubovich

91

pronouns. In practice, it targeted both, but in different languages and at different times. The analogy that may have occurred early in the history of "non-Hittite" Anatolian can be described by the proportion *=(s)mas/*=(s)mas ~ *=tu/ X . In prose, the formal identity between the clitics meaning `to you' and `to them' triggered the functional extension of *=tu `to thee' to the third person, at the expense of the original clitic *=se\ `to him'. This innovation also occurred in Palaic and can probably be reconstructed for the history of Lydian. Another application of the same type of analogy resulted in the expansion of 2sg. reflexive =di to 3sg. in Luvian. Neither Palaic nor Lydian participated in this process since the reflexive clitic *=si < *=soi is preserved in both languages (Melchert 1991:142). The only clitic the spread of which at "stage 3" remains formally unaccounted for is the Hittite reflexive =z(a), phonetically /ts/, which is routinely reconstructed as *=ti (Kimball 1999:191 with ref.). There is simply no form in the Proto-Anatolian reflexive paradigm that could develop into Hitt. *=ti >=z(a) according to the standard sound laws. And yet, the connection between the Hitt. =z(a) and the Luvian pronominal clitic =di belongs to the common stock of knowledge of Anatolianists at least since Laroche (1959). In view of the compelling evidence for the common origin of Luvian =di and the IndoEuropean second person dative clitic, presented above and supported by parallels from the other Anatolian languages, only two solutions remain possible. One must either reject the connection between Hitt. =z(a) and Luv. =di altogether, or assume that Hitt. =z(a) was derived from Indo-Hittite *=toi or Anatolian *=te\ with the help of changes other than sound laws. The success of the first approach would be contingent upon finding alternative plausible cognates of Hitt. =z(a) in Anatolian or Indo-European. At the present time, however, I am not aware of any alternative etymological suggestions backed by the adequate semantic analysis of =z(a). The claim of Carruba (1964:429-430) that = z(a) should be connected with the Indo-European demonstrative stem *to- stumbles upon the lack of any Anatolian inflected forms that can be related to this Indo-European stem, and in any event is not helpful for tracing the inflectional prehistory of =z(a).25 Josephson's assertion that Hittite =z(a) should be identical with 3rd sg. dat. =sa of
25

Carruba (1969:45-46) attempted to corroborate his earlier suggestion by adducing the Luvian clitic =du `to him', allegedly derived from Indo-European * =to(i) (vel sim.) built on the demonstrative stem *to-. This suggestion is phonetically unlikely given the change of non-final *oi to Й in Luvian, as per Melchert (1994:279). Note in addition that Carruba has not presented any arguments that would motivate the replacement of the inherited *=soi with *=toi in the prehistory of Luvian.

92

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

the possessive stem si/a- `his' (Houwink ten Cate and Josephson 1967:137) does not take into consideration the actual pronunciation of =z(a) as /ts/. The scholars who studied =z(a) in the subsequent years tended to abstain from suggesting extra-Anatolian cognates of this Hittite particle. One can mention Neu's confession: "Die Gemeinanatolische Partikel *-ti, auf die heth. -z und `mediopassives' -ti zurЭckgehen, vermag ich bisher noch nicht an Indogermanisches anzuschliessen " (Neu 1968:145), and Oettinger's verdict: "Zur Etymologie lДsst sich nur sagen dass -z auf uranatolisch *-ti von offenbar sehr Дhnlicher Bedeutung zurЭckgeht. Dessen Herkunft ist unklar" (Oettinger 1997:412). The absence of plausible alternatives is not due to the lack of interest for the origin of =z(a) on the part of Anatolian scholars, but rather due to objective difficulties with finding suitable Indo-European reflexes of Indo-Hittite **=ti , a putative direct ancestor of Hitt. =z(a). The second approach is exemplified by the recent work of Elisabeth Rieken. Rieken (2004:183) was the first scholar to explicitly connect both Hittite =z(a) and Luvian =di with the Late Indo-European =toi `to thee'.26 Rieken was well aware of the fact that the direct reflex of *=toi would be Old Hittite **=te , just as *=soi `to him' developed into =se in Old Hittite (Kimball 1999:214). Therefore she proposed that *=toi had changed to *=ti already in Proto-Anatolian, and attributed this change to the analogical influence of the nominal dative-locative ending *-i. This suggestion can be viewed as an extension of an earlier proposal by Melchert (1994:218), who explained the vocalism of Palaic =ti `to thee' as a result of analogical leveling triggered by the dative-locative nominal ending. Rieken's approach has much to recommend itself from the functional point of view. Now one can hypothesize that *=ti > =z(a) originally functioned in Hittite as the second singular reflexive, while its spread to the third singular represented the first stage in its proliferation. This could be yet another proportional analogy motivated by the homonymy of the second and third plural reflexive clitics (=smas / =smas ~ =z(a) / X), and parallel to the spread of =di in the ancestor dialect of Luvian. Later, however, the reflexive =z(a) was generalized from the third singular to all the other persons and numbers, and ousted even those plural reflexive clitics that were responsible for its original spread. The tide reversed in the Middle
26

Rieken gave credit for this suggestion to Melchert (1994:218), but the claims of the two scholars were in fact substantially different. Melchert limited his analysis to the etymology of Palaic =ti `to thee' (cf. below), which he does not connect with Hitt. =z(a) or Luv. =di anywhere in the Anatolian Historical Phonology.

Ilya Yakubovich

93

Hittite period, when the plural reflexive clitics =nas and =smas were reintroduced from the non-reflexive paradigm under the direct impact of Luvian. As for the formal side of Rieken's proposal, it appears to be significantly more problematic. Unlike Melchert's suggestion regarding the origin of Palaic =ti, which can be corroborated by the identical vocalism of the reflexive =si in Palaic, a would-be analogy leading to the development of =ti in Proto-Anatolian loses its credibility in the face of the preservation of =se `to him' in Old Hittite. The paradigmatic leveling could not have been selectively applied only to some members of the rhyming group of dative clitics (*=me\ /*=te\/*=se\). It is even less credible that it was applied to *=te\ after this pronoun was specialized as a reflexive in Proto-Anatolian (stage 2), but failed to be applied to the true dative anaphor *=se\. As a matter of fact, we can observe the effects of an analogy that changes = se into =si in the history of Hittite, but this process occurred by the end of the Old Hittite period, and obviously has nothing to do with the putative Proto-Anatolian change discussed in this paragraph (cf. Melchert 1994:218). If the development *=te \ > *=ti cannot be explained either through sound law, or by analogy, one may try the third option offered to us by the comparative method. The form *=ti could be borrowed from an Anatolian dialect where the change *toi > *ti was phonetically regular or analogically motivated. All the Anatolian languages other than Hittite probably qualify as possible sources of borrowing according to this formal criterion, but Luvian also does it on sociolinguistic grounds. On the one hand, we have abundant evidence for the structural influence of Luvian on Middle and New Hittite, which includes the specific case of reflexives mentioned earlier in this section. On the other hand, we have enough data to posit intensive lexical contacts between the two languages in the prehistoric period. Neither of the two kinds of evidence is available in the case of Palaic or Lydian, so they can be eliminated as sources of borrowing by Occam's razor. The most likely scenario for the development of reflexives within Hittite is represented below:
1sg. 2 sg. 3 sg. Table nom. Acc. Dat. (none) =mu (none) =te/ =de =as (c.); =ad (n.) =an (c.); =ad (n.) =se\ 9: Functional convergence with Luvian, Stage 3. (dat.) refl. =me\ =te\/=de\ =te\/=de\

94

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

1 sg. 2 sg. 3 sg.

nom. Acc. Dat. (none) =mu (none) =te/ =de =as (c.); =ad =an (c.); =ad (n.) =se\ (n.) Table 10: Formal convergence with Luvian, Stage 4.

(dat.) refl. =mi =ti/=di =ti/=di

nom. Acc. Dat. 1 sg. (none) =mu 2 sg. (none) =te/ =de 3 sg. =as (c.); =ad (n.) =an (c.); =ad (n.) =se\ Table 11: Generalization of the reflexive particle, Stage 5.

(dat.) refl. =ti/=di =ti/=di =ti/=di

The rational for ordering the formal convergence with Luvian after the implementation of "stage 3" is the necessity to eliminate the reflexive pronoun *=se \ in Hittite prior to the borrowing of the -i vocalism. If we assume the opposite order, we could expect that the contact-induced change = se\ > =si spread to the anaphoric = se\ `to him', which is flatly contradicted by the Old Hittite evidence. By contrast, the relative chronology given above implies a stage when all the Hittite singular reflexive clitics were formally distinct from their non-reflexive counterparts. Under such conditions, the contact-driven formal changes in the reflexive paradigm would not need to have any repercussions for the rest of the system. At the same time, it is very likely that the implementation of "stage 3" in Hittite was motivated not only by the proportional analogy (=smas / =smas ~ *=te \ / X ), but also by the similar change in the territorially adjacent Luvian dialects. As was already mentioned above, the spread of second person clitics to the third person, whatever its motivation, is typologically unusual, and so when one observes a cluster of such changes in a group of closely related dialects, an areal explanation should be seriously considered. The Luvian language, where the innovations of "stage 3" were implemented most consistently, could generate a "linguistic wave" that would spread across the continuum of already differentiated Anatolian dialects triggering similar functional changes, but on a smaller scale. This scenario would, however, remain a mere possibility, if we did not have independent evidence for the formal convergence between Hittite and Luvian reflexive clitics. Now that such evidence is available, the interpretation of "stage 3" in areal terms must be preferred to assuming a set of typologically similar, but unrelated changes.

Ilya Yakubovich

95

Grammatical borrowing: when and why. I am keenly aware of the fact that the claim about an isolated contact-induced formal change in the pronominal system of any language is strong enough to look suspicious. Critics may wonder if the argumentation by exclusion provides a sufficient justification for assuming foreign influence of what is frequently regarded as the most stable part of the core vocabulary.27 Fortunately for my account, there is an independent confirmation that this part of the vocabulary was not so stable in the prehistory of Hittite as purists might think. It comes from the analysis of the clitic complex =(t)tu=za attested from the Middle Hittite period onwards.28 (14) HKM 71 Obv 9-10, MH/MS (Alp 1991:254) namma=tu=za UGULA NIMGIR.ERмN.MEи halzissanzi They call thee "overseer of military heralds" (a high-ranking military title). HKM 56 Obv 11-12, MH/MS (Alp 1991:224) nu=ttu=za=kan ka\sa sanza I am now angry with thee.

(15)

One can see from the example above that =tu represents an allomorph of the Hittite clitic =ta `(to) thee'. It could be used both for direct and indirect objects, as in (14) and (15) respectively. The factor conditioning the synchronic choice between the allomorphs =tu and =ta is the presence vs. absence of the particles =z(a) or =san immediately to the right (the combination =(t)tu=za occurs approximately five times more frequently than =(t)tu=(s)san does). It is clear that the origin of such a distribution cannot be phonetic, nor can one find a plausible source for the analogical extension of =tu , since a clitic of such a shape is not otherwise attested in Hittite.29 The assumption of a Luvian borrowing into Middle Hittite
27

The general claim that pronouns are never or extremely rarely borrowed was shown to be false long ago (see Thomason 2001:83-84 for a set of examples). It remains nevertheless a descriptive fact that Indo-European personal pronouns are resistant to borrowing from unrelated or distantly related languages. 28 I am grateful to Y. Gorbachev (Harvard), who was the first to indicate the importance of the allomorph =tu for my argument. Note that the sequence =tu=za is attested in a late copy of the Old Hittite Telibinu proclamation (KUB 11.5 Rev. 2). 29 F. Josephson suggested that Hitt. =tu(=za ) represented a relic accusative clitic, whose function was otherwise taken over by the original dative clitic =ta (Houwink ten Cate and Josephson 1967:136-7). This hypothesis is untenable in view of the direct correspondence between Hitt. =ta and the Indo-European accusative clitic *=te.

96

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

would be equally gratuitous, unless one can explain why the borrowed form is used exclusively in a position before two paricles inherited from Old Hittite. Nothing, however, contradicts the assumption that the variant =tu= had existed already in Old Hittite, exactly with the same distribution that is attested in Middle and New Hittite. We simply lack passages featuring the second person clitic in front of =z(a)/=san in the Old Script texts. This is probably to be explained by the absence of letters and the paucity of treaties written on the earliest Hittite tablets available to us, since these two textual genres display the largest concentration of second person forms in a later period, and dominate among the sources of attestation of =(t)tu=za. In the absence of positive evidence, it is more logical to assume that Middle Hittite has inherited an old distribution, than to posit an innovation for which we cannot account. Once we relegate the problem to the prehistoric period, it receives a likely explanation in terms of language contact. Hittites had apparently adopted not only individual Luvian reflexive clitics but also the whole sequence *=tu=ti in lieu of the inherited *=te=te\. A factor that no doubt facilitated this contact-induced change was the close genetic similarity between Hittite and Luvian and, more specifically, the phonetic resemblance between the relevant pronominal forms. The same factor had to be at play in the borrowing of the Old Norse third-person plural pronouns into the Anglo-Saxon dialects (cf. Old Norse eir / eim / eira `they / them / their' with their Old English equivalents hЙe / him / hiera). Later the clitic =tu came to be perceived as an allomorph of =ta , and its usage was extended to the position before =san, perhaps for the reason of partial phonetic similarity between =z(a) and =san. The parallel between the prehistoric contacts between Hittite and Luvian on the one hand, and the historical contacts between Old English and Old Norse on the other hand, can be carried beyond this particular episode. Dawson (2003) has convincingly argued that the defining factor in the lasting impact of Norse on the structure and basic lexicon of the English language was not so much the number of Danes that settled in England, or the long period of contacts, as the genetic and typological similarity between the two languages that would enable the speaker of one language to understand the other language without learning to speak it. She appropriately refers to the convergence triggered by this type of contact as koineization, and stresses the fact that in such conditions it is frequently difficult to draw a line between borrowings sensu stricto and the contact-driven modification of linguistic items that had been already available in the

Ilya Yakubovich

97

target language. This approach helps to explain why the Norse presence in medieval France, or the conquest of England by the assimilated French-speaking Normans failed to result in a comparable structural convergence: the mutually incomprehensible character of Romance and Germanic languages precluded the formation of a new koine.30 If we assume that Proto-Hittite and Proto-Luvian population groups lived side by side in sufficient numbers and intensively communicated each in their respective language at some point shortly after their genetic separation, it is easy to envisage the situation when a new generations of speakers would perceive these two closely related dialects as stylistic varieties of the same code, and could draw on either of them in the process of language acquisition. If the speakers of Hittite were in the majority in a given area, it is reasonable to expect that Hittite elements would predominate in the koine of this area, but it does not impose any restrictions on the classes of words that could be adopted from Luvian. A very general prediction that can be made is that formally simpler and functionally more transparent forms would have better chances to enter the new koine. Thus one can hypothesize that the Luvian clitic =ti would be given preference over its Hittite counterpart =te \ in view of the general tendency toward eliminating long vowels in clitics. Likewise one could conjecture that the sequence *=tu=ti would be given preference over *=te=ti in order to avoid potential confusion between two phonetically similar clitic pronouns. The explanatory force of such accounts should not overestimated: we cannot make exact forecasts about elements that would be borrowed into a koine in a particular contact situation. The point of comparison with medieval England is rather to stress that basic lexical items can be easily adapted from various sources in a context of koineization. We do not have historical records that would shed light on the early convergence between Hittite and Luvian. One may, however, try to place it within a relative chronology of phonological and morphosyntactic changes that occurred on the way from ProtoAnatolian to Hittite. While the relative chronology does not directly translate into the absolute chronology, a significant number of changes that occurred between the postulated contact episode and the oldest attested stage of the Hittite language would preclude the hypothesis that the reconstructed koineization of Hittite was
30

The only member of Swadesh's one hundred word list that was borrowed into English from French is mountain, an item of short supply in southern England. The words belonging to this list that were either borrowed from, or influenced by, Old Norse include at least die, egg, give, and sky.

98

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

connected with the expansion that resulted in the creation of the Hittite Old Kingdom. We have already seen that the generalization of Hitt. =z(a) as a reflexive particle co-occurring with all types of subjects (stage 6) represents one of such changes. The relative chronology of other developments is contingent upon the interpretation of the Hittite medio-passive extension -di (with a synchronic variant -d). The inventory of Old Hittite medio-passive verbal endings, with their traditional grammatical interpretation, extracted from Kassian (2002), is given in Table 12 below. One can see that the present and preterit medio-passive endings have an identical first part for each person/number, but differ with respect to their extensions. According to received wisdom, the second part of Old Hittite present endings is zero or -ri (rarely -ni), while the preterit endings are extended by the elements -di or -d. This distribution is somewhat modified in the later history of Hittite, where we encounter present endings -tadi (2sg.), -wastadi (1pl.) and -tumad (2pl.) alternating with the variants in -ri. At the same time, the extension -ri remains restricted to the present tense throughout the history of Hittite (Neu 1968:24-30).
Present Sg. Pl. 1 -ha; -hari; -wasta (1x) 2 -ta (1x) -tumari (1x) 3 (I) -ta; -tari -anta; (II) -a; antari ari; -ani Table 12: Old Hittite medio-passive Preterit Sg. Pl. -had N/A -tad N/A (I) -tad -antadi (II) adi verbal endings. Imperative Sg. N/A hud (I) taru (II) aru

The lack of strict association between the dental extension and the preterit tense was confirmed through my examination of the Old Script corpus. Contrary to the established opinion, the form suppiyahhadi, occurring in the script of an Old Hittite ritual, should be interpreted as a present tense verb: (16) KBo 25.112 ii 14'-15', OS, CTH 733.II.4 (Neu 1980:191) LUGAL-uИ=za Иuppiyahhadi ANA [hal]pudi ma\nha\nda ma\ldi ke\=a QATAMMA The king purifies himself. As he chants before the halpudialtar, so also (he chants) these things in the same way.

The first components of Hittite medio-passive endings, marking person and number, have, in their majority, a good pedigree going

Ilya Yakubovich

99

back to a set of reconstructed Indo-Hittite inflectional markers labeled as "perfect," "stative," or "proto-middle" by different scholars and reflected in the perfect and medio-passive conjugation of various Indo-European languages.31 The equation between the Hittite medio-passive extension -ri and the Indo-European element -r with an identical function, augmented by the hic et nunc particle -i, is likewise well established (Yoshida 1990). By contrast, the indicative extensions di/-d lack direct counterparts in Indo-European, and must be considered a Hittite or Anatolian innovation.32 According to the plausible suggestion of Kury`owicz (1964:69), Hittite 3sg. pret. -ta-d represents a combination of the old medio-passive and the new active preterit ending. This attractive hypothesis also allows one to explain 1sg. pret. -had and 2sg. pret. -tad as *-hadi and *-tadi (attested in later Hittite texts), which had undergone paradigmatic leveling. This analogical development, in its turn, could bring about the general confusion between the extensions -di and -d , which came to be perceived as two synchronic variants of the same morpheme, and were eventually associated with present and preterit respectively in later Hittite.33 As for the medio-passive extension -di , its origin is not to be sought in the verbal morphological inventory. Neu (1968:145) connected this morpheme with the pre-Hittite reflexive clitic *=ti/=di. The stranding of the original Wackernagel clitic to the postverbal position has several parallels within Indo-European, but the suffix -s'a/-s' marking the Russian reflexive voice and going back to the common Slavic Wackernagel reflexive clitic *=se Г provides a particularly close analogy. Example (16) cited above can serve as an
31

See Jasanoff (2003:1-29) for a survey of previous opinions about the reconstructed meaning of this conjugation, and the rest of the book for Jasanoff's own views. 32 Pedersen (1938:110), followed by Oettinger (1997:417), connected Hitt. -di/-d with the Indo-European imperative suffix *-d hi. This etymology remains very likely for the Hittite 2sg. middle imperative ending -hu-d, even if it requires the assumption of an irregular apocope. Carruba (1992:15-31) linked -di with medio-passive infinitive suffixes Ved. -dhyai and Gk. -syai, and boldly postulates the existence of an Indo-European medio-passive suffix *-dh- with various language-specific formal extensions and functional restrictions. The common handicap of both theories is the necessity to invent more or less artificial analogies that would account for the typologically unlikely spread of dental suffixes from peripheral forms to the indicative. 33 Alternatively, one can hypothesize that the variant -d was always due to the apocope of the earlier -di , or to its analogical reanalysis in preterit forms. This hypothesis, however, appears less adequate for the purpose of explaining the complementary distribution of -di and -d in specific personal endings in Old Hittite. In addition, if Pal. Иar-ku-ta-at (KUB 35.165 Obv. 6) is indeed a medio-passive form, as per Kammenhuber (1959), then the -d extension represents a Luvo-Palaic innovation, whereas the -di extension must be exclusively Hittite.

100

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

instance of a syntactic construction in which such a stranding might have originated.34 Neu's approach allows one to explain why the extension -di does not appear to have been restricted to a particular tense in Hittite. Neu's suggestion was not immediately accepted by all scholars. In recent years, however, it received a striking confirmation from the analysis of Hieroglyphic Luvian sentences with an element -si appended to verbal endings. The medio-passive character of such forms is not immediately clear in each and every context, but can be unambiguously inferred from the comparison between (17) and (18), where -si alternates with -ru (3sg. impv.) within the paradigm of the passive verb iziya- `to become'. (17) гINEKжY , §7 (Tekog'lu and Lemaire 2000) |hi-ia-wa/i-sa-ha-wa/i(URBS) |su-ra/i-ia-sa-ha(URBS) "UNUS"-za |DOMUS-na-za | i-zi-ia-si Que/Hiyawa and Assyria became one house. KARATEPE, §53 (Hawkins 2000:55) REL-pa-wa/i za ("CASTRUM")hА+ra/i-nМ-sЮ-||za i-zi-ia-ru (DEUS)BONUS-sa (DEUS)VITIS-sА-hА Then let this fortress become (one) of the Grain-god and the Wine-god.

(18)

Oshiro (1993:54) was the first one to link the Luvian mediopassive marker -si with the Palaic Wackernagel clitic =si , which probably had a reflexive meaning. This idea found further development in the work of Rieken (2004:183-184), who drew a direct parallel between the spread of Hitt. *=ti/=di and Luvian = si to the post-verbal position, thus vindicating Neu's theory.35 There is, however an important difference between the relative chronologies of the two syntactic processes. The spread of Luv. =si must have occurred before "stage 3," which effectively eliminated this Wackernagel clitic. The rarity of verbal forms in -si in Hieroglyphic Luvian texts, together with their complete absence in Cuneiform
34

For the reconstructed duplication of the Wackernagel accusative anaphoric clitic in other positions in the history of Lycian compare the account of Garrett (1991). Alternatively, one can envisage the scenario according to which Wackernagel clitics were first attached to medio-passive forms in verb-initial sentences of the type described in Sidel'tsev (2002). What speaks against such a solution is the rarity of this syntactic type in the original Hittite compositions. 35 A more remote parallel is the creation of the Lydian emphasizing particle =s;, which can be analyzed as the original reflexive marker =s ;/=is stranded from the expected second position, as per Melchert (1991).

Ilya Yakubovich

101

Luvian, bears witness to the vestigial character of this formation. On the contrary, the stranding of Hitt. *=ti/=di must have postdated "stage 3," and probably "stages 4/5" as well. Otherwise, it would be very difficult to explain why the second person clitic *=te\/*=de\ was generalized as a medio-passive marker, and then underwent an irregular contraction to *=di under the influence of a Luvian clitic that never had this function. The formal relationship between the Wackernagel clitic *=ti and the verbal extension -di in Hittite should be discussed with reference to Proto-Anatolian lenition. According to the standard formulation of this sound law, Proto-Anatolian voiceless stops were voiced after accented long vowels, or between two unaccented vowels (cf. Melchert 1994:60 with ref.). Its effects are best preserved in the verbal system of Luvian, while in Hittite it was obfuscated by a number of subsequent analogical changes. Nevertheless, occasional synchronic alternations within Hittite verbal paradigms (e.g. a \:gi `(s)he dies' vs. akkАnzi `they die') vindicate the existence of a phonologically conditioned lenition at the earlier stages of the Hittite language. The distribution of the clitic allophones *=te\/*=de\ etc., reconstructed for Pre-Luvian and Pre-Hittite in the tables above, was presumably governed by the laws of lenition. The voiceless variant would be favored in a position after another consonant while the lenited variant would be preferred in a position between the unstressed vowels of the clitic chain. This distribution must have been alive in Hittite till the moment when *=ti /*= di became licensed in postverbal position and was specifically associated with the medio-passive conjugation. Since all the unextended medio-passive markers ended in unstressed vowels, the variant =di was automatically chosen in this environment. Later in the history of Hittite, the laws of lenition lost their synchronic status, and all the second-position clitics generalized the unlenited allomorphs. This is clear from the orthographic variants with consonant doubling, such as =tta and =ttu, which occur in positions where lenition is otherwise predicted.36 This analogical generalization was not applied, however, to the medio-passive extension -di , which presumably had already lost the synchronic connection with its original source. By contrast, Luvian has generalized the lenited variant of the Wackernagel pronominal clitics (= di > =ri ). This fairly late development was not shared by the
36

Numerous variants such as namma=tu=za (for the expected **namma=ttu=za) in (14) must be regarded as instances of simplified spelling. This phenomenon, briefly discussed in Yoshida (1998:607), deserves much fuller investigation aimed at determining its licensing conditions.

102

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

closely related Lycian language, which patterns with Hittite in preserving the voiceless variant =ti (Melchert 2004:65). The final accord that brings us to the stage attested in the earliest Hittite texts is the affricativization /t/>/ts/_/i/, accompanied by the apocope of -i in word-final position.37 The posited sound change must have occurred after the lenited variant *=di was wiped out of the Hittite clitic system, because otherwise *=ti would have been retained under analogical pressure. The fact that this sound change failed to occur in the case of the medio-passive extension -di refutes the contention of Yoshida (1998:614) that both *t and *d, as opposed to *dh, were palatalized before the high front vowel. Note that, even if we make an unlikely assumption that Hitt. =z(a) and Hitt. -di are not related, we still have to admit that affricativization was a fairly late change because it applied to the clitic =ti/= di borrowed from Luvian. It would require a vivid imagination to believe that IH *d h, which did not otherwise yield reflexes distinct from *d in any of the attested Anatolian languages, was preserved in Pre-Hittite at such a late stage.38 The observations made above can be summarized in the following relative chronology: 1. Hittite borrows Luvian *=ti/=*di. 2. Hitt. *=ti/=*di is generalized to all persons and numbers. 3. Hitt. =di spreads to the postverbal position, where it looses its clitic status. 4. The variant =ti is generalized in the second position. 5. /t/ > /ts/ /_/i/; /tsi/ > /ts/ /_#

37

Cf. Kimball (1999:191-192). I find it difficult to believe that the apocope of -i was also regular in a position after d , since the preservation of the medio-passive extension -di militates against this assumption. In my opinion, the apocope in the imperative suffix -dhi must be viewed as one of those irregular shortenings that frequently occur in imperative forms. 38 The philological considerations adduced by Yoshida (1998) in favor of the sound change */d/>/dz/_/i/ do not hold water, in my opinion. It is true that some verbal forms in *-e\zzi are sometimes spelled with -e\zi/-ezi in Old Hittite, but, in those cases where we have enough data (e.g. ie\zzi `he makes' or pehudezzi `he brings') this spelling appears to be less frequent than -e\zzi/-ezzi (Kassian 2002:99, 116). In such a situation, I prefer to think that the variants -e\zi/-ezi do not testify to the existence of a separate phoneme /dz/ but rather represent yet another instance of simplified spellings. This is precisely the explanation adduced by Yoshida (1998) for occasional Old Hittite 3sg. verbal forms in -nuzi occurring in free variation with -nuzzi The argument that the sign IZ is too simple to be omitted by less diligent scribes is not compelling because, after all, it takes more effort to write even a threestroke sign than to write nothing!

Ilya Yakubovich

103

One cannot exclude that some of the postulated changes (e.g #2 and #3) occurred simultaneously. Yet the sheer complexity of phonological and morphosyntactic evolution that postdated the discussed contact episode prompts one to posit a period of several hundred years between the adaptation of Luv. *=ti/=*di and the stage of Hittite attested in the Old Script texts. Prehistoric contacts between Hittite and Luvian are probably to be dated back to the late 3rd millennium BC.
References Alp, Sedat 1991 Hethitische Briefe aus MasГat-HЖyuk (TЭrk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlari VI-35). Ankara: TЭrk Tarih Kurumu. Boley, Jacqueline 1993 The Hittite Particle z/-za. Innsbruck: Institut der Sprachwissenschaft der UniversitДt Innsbruck. Bryce, Trevor 2003 History. In: The Luwians. H. Craig Melchert (ed.). Leiden/Boston: Brill, 27-127. Carruba, Onofrio 1964 Hethitisch asta-, -(a)pa- und die anderen Ortspartikeln. Orientalia (New Series) 33:405-436. 1969 Die Satzeinleitenden Particeln in den indogermanischen Sprachen Anatoliens. Roma: Ateneo. 1992 Die Endungen auf ti des hethitischen Mediums. Studii Micenei e Egeo-Anatolici 29:15-31. Dawson, Hope 2003 Defining the Outcome of Language Contact: Old English and Old Norse. Ohio State University Working Papers in Linguistics 57: 4057. Available for download at www.ling.ohio-state.edu/ publications/ osu_wpl/osuwpl_57/ hope_wpl.pdf. Eichner, Heiner 1974 Untersuchungen zur hethitischen Deklination (Dissertation TeildrЭck). Erlangen. Fortson, Benjamin W. IV 2004 Indo-European Language and Culture: An Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell. Garrett, Andrew 1991 The Lycian Nasalized Preterite. MЭnchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 52:15-26. 1996 Wackernagel's Law and Unaccusativity in Hittite. In: Approaching Second: Second Position Clitics and Related Phenomena, A.L. Halpern and A.W. Zwicky (eds.). Stanford: CSLI Publications, 85133. Hawkins, J. David 1992 The Inscriptions of the Kizildag' and the Karadag' in the light of the Yalburt Inscription. In: Hittite and other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, Ekrem Akurgal et al. (eds.). Ankara: TЭrk Tarih Kurumu, 260-275. 2000 Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luvian Inscriptions. Volume I. Part I, II: Texts; Part III: Plates. Berlin/New York: W. de Gruyter.

104

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

Hopper, Paul J., and Sandra A. Thomson 1980 Transitivity in Grammar and Discourse. Language 56(2):251-299. van den Hout, Theo 2002 Self, Soul and Portrait in Hieroglyphic Luvian. In: Silva Anatolica. Anatolian Studies Presented to Maciej Popko on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, Piotr Taracha (ed.). Warsaw: Agade, 171-186. 2006 Institutions, Vernaculars, Publics: The Case of Second Millennium Anatolia. In: Margins of Writing, Origins of Culture. New Approaches to Writing and Reading in the Ancient Near East, Seth Sanders (ed.). Chicago: Oriental Institute Press, 217-256. Houwink ten Cate, H.J. Philo, and Folke Josephson 1967 Muwatallis' Prayer to the Storm-God of Kummanni. Revue Hittite et Asianique 25:101-140 Ivanov, Vyacheslav V. 2001 Southern Anatolian and Northern Anatolian. In: Greater Anatolia and the Indo-Hittite Language Family, Robert Drews (ed.). Washington: Institute for the Study of Man, 131-183. Jasanoff, Jay H 2003 Hittite and the Indo-European Verb. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kammenhuber, Annelies 1959 Das Palaische: Texte und Wortschatz. Revue Hittite et Asianique 17:1-92. Kassian, Alexei 2002 Glossary of Verbal Forms and Derivatives from Published Old Hittite Texts. In: Anatolian Languages, Vitaly Shevoroshkin and Paul J. Sidwell (eds.). Canberra: Association for the History of Language, 72-136. Katz, Joshua 1998 Topics in Indo-European Personal Pronouns. Harvard University PhD dissertation. Kimball, Sara 1999 Hittite Historical Phonology. Innsbruck: Institut der Sprachwissenschaft der UniversitДt Innsbruck. KЭhne, Cord 1988 эber die Darstellung der hethitischen Reflexivpartikel z. In: Documentum Asiae Minoris Antiquae. Festschrift fЭr Heinrich Otten zum 75. Geburtstag, Erich Neu and Christel RЭster (eds.). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 203-233. Kury`owicz, Jerzy 1964 The Inflectional Categories of Indo-European. Heidelberg: Carl Winter. Laroche, Emmanuel 1959 Dictionnare de la langue louvite. Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve. Meier-BrЭgger, Michael 2000 Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft. Seventh, fully revised edition. Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter. Melchert, H. Craig 1988 "Thorn" and "Minus" in Hieroglyphic Luvian. Anatolian Studies 38:29-42. 1991 The Lydian emphasizing and reflexive particle -s; / is. Kadmos 30:131-142. 1994 Anatolian Historical Phonology. Amsterdam/Atlanta: Rodopi.

Ilya Yakubovich

105

Prehistory. In: The Luwians, H. Craig Melchert (ed.). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 8-26. 2003b Language. In: The Luwians, H. Craig Melchert (ed.). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 170-210 2004 A Dictionary of the Lycian Language. Ann Arbor/New York: Beech Stave Press. 2005 The Problem of Luwian Influence on Hittite. In: Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel. Akten des XI Factagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17-23 September 2000, Halle an der Saale, G. Meiser and O. Hackstein (eds.). Wiesbaden: Reichert, 445-459. Morpurgo-Davies, Anna 1980 The personal endings of the Hieroglyphic Luvian verb. Zeitschrift fЭr Vergleichende Sprachforschung 94:86-108. 1982 Dentals, Rhotacism and Verbal Endings in the Luvian Languages. Zeitschrift fЭr Vergleichende Sprachforschung 96:245-270. Neu, Erich 1968 Das hethitische Mediopassiv und seine indogermanischen Grundlagen (Studien zu den BoghazkЖy-Texten 6). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1980 Althethitische Ritualtexte in Umschrift (Studien zu den BoghazkЖyTexten 25). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Oettinger, Norbert 1997 Der Partikel z des Hethitischen' (mit einem Exkurs zu den Medialformen auf t, -ti). In: Berthold DelbrЭck y la sintaxis indoeuropea hoy, E. Crespe and J.L. GarcМa-RamСn (eds.). Madrid: Ediciones de la UAM / Wiesbaden: Reichert, 407-420. Oshiro, Terumasa 1993 Notes on Hieroglyphic Luvian. Orient 29:45-56. Pedersen, Holger 1938 Hittitisch und die anderen indoeuropДischen Sprachen. Copenhagen: Munksgaard. Rieken, Elisabeth 2004 Das PrДteritum des Medio-Passivs im Hieroglyphen-Luvischen. Historische Sprachforschung 118:179-88. Sidel'tsev, Andrej 2002 Inverted Word Order in Middle Hittite. In: Anatolian Languages, Vitaly Shevoroshkin and Paul J. Sidwell (eds.). Canberra: Association for the History of Language, 137-188. Tekog'ln, R., and A. Lemaire 2000 La Bilingue Royale Lonvito-PhИnician de гinekЖy. Comptes Rendues de l'AcadИmie des Inscriptions 2000:961-1006. Thomason, Sarah J. 2001 Language Contact: An Introduction. Washington: Georgetown University Press. Yakubovich, Ilya 2002 Nugae Luvicae. In: Anatolian Languages, Vitaly Shevoroshkin and Paul J. Sidwell (eds.). Canberra: Association for the History of Language, 189-209. Yoshida, Kazuhiko 1990 The Hittite Medio-passive endings in ri. Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter.

2003a

106

Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite and Luvian

1998 2001

Hittite verbs in Vzi. Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology, Sedat Alp (ed.). Ankara: Grafik, Teknik Hazirlik Uyum Ajans, 605-614. Hittite nu-za and Related Spellings. In: Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses fЭr Hethitologie, WЭrzburg, 4-8 Oktober 1999, Gernot Wilhelm (ed.) (Studien zu den BoghazkЖy-Texten 45). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Ilya Yakubovich sogdiana@uchicago.edu