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Äîêëàä íà ôîíåòè÷åñêîì êîíãðåññå â Ñàí-Ôðàíöèñêî (1999)
(ICPhS99 San Francisco)

A NEW DESCRIPTIVE SYSTEM FOR RUSSIAN INTONATION
Sandro Kodzasov
Russian Language Institute, Moscow, Russia
ABSTRACT
A new descriptive model for Russian sentence prosody was elaborated which
is based on a radical combinatorial approach. It presupposes: 1) an
enlarged number of prosodic layers: not only tone, duration and intensity,
but also phonation (creaky/breathy and tense/lax voice) and articulation
(vertical position of the larynx and horizontal position of the tongue
body); 2) two modes of functioning for most features: local (as a property
of an accented syllable) and integral (as a property of a syntactic
constituent); 3) a vast range of combinatorial possibilities for both local
and integral prosodies corresponding
to possible combinations of prosodically relevant semantic features; 4) an
analitical approach to surface prosodic forms searching for their
underlying semantically motivated structure.

1. INTRODUCTION
A widely accepted descriptive system for Russian intonation (Bryzgunova
[1]) is based on a set of seven accentual units defined by several prosodic
features: rising/falling/level tone, +/- intensity on falling accent, +/-
glottalization on rising accent. However, it may be easily shown that even
these features provide a much more extensive set of cominations than seven
«intonational constructions» postulated by Bryzgunova: not only
fall-rise but also rise-fall, and not only intense fall but also intense
rise, etc.). A different model proposed by Ode [6] provides an enlarged
inventary of tonal features (excursion and timing were added), but it
completely ignors the non-tonal features with no serious justification.
In respect to minimality both systems are similar to their recent
Western counterparts ('t Hart et al. [3], Selkirk [8]. However, our
observation (acoustical and perceptual) of great portions of Russian speech
shows clearly that such limited systems are not able to cover the whole
range of linguistically significant prosidic patterns. Thus, an alternative
system was developed which has much more powerful descriptive facilities
(Kodzasov [4]). It presupposes a more wide set of basic prosodic means and
an unlimited range of their combinations in utterances. The basic
assumption is that a phonetic investigation of prosody need to be closely
correlated with a semantic one: prosodic configurations are mostly
determined by possible combinations of semantic characteristics. This paper
deals with the most appealing problems arising in such a model.

2. PROSODIC INVENTORY
2.1. Introduction
Most prosodic features display two modes of functioning: local (accentual)
and global (spread). In particular, tonal oppositions are realized locally
as tonal accents on stressed or edge syllables and globally as some
properties of longer speech streches. In the
same way, temporal oppositions may be accentual (duration of stressed or
edge vowels) or global (overall rate influencing duration of all vowels
inside a clause). Also the features of intensity and phonation may appear
in two hypostases. In our transcription local properties are presented in
parentheses after accented words (the relevant part of a word being
underlined), whereas the signs for global prosodies are placed after the
right bracket delimiting a scope of features application. For example,
Tebja Vanja(/) - [ja jego vchera videl(\)](L) - prosilpozvonit'(\). 'Vanja
- I met him yesterday - asked you to ring up to him'. Here '/' and '\'
designate rising and falling accents, while 'L' indicates the low register
of the constituent (the neutral register has no mark).
Both accentual and non-accentual features may form combinations whose
componential structure is mostly transparent. For example, the strong
demand is expressed by an intensity jump (a sign '!') which may join both
rising and falling tones: - Ty pozvonil(/!) Vane? 'Have you rang up to
Vanja?'; - Pozvoni(\!) jemu! 'Ring up to him!. There is no need to place
such occasional regular combinations into a prosodic lexicon for Russian.
At the same time, a combination of increased vocalic duration with a
downward movement of the larynx which functions as a marker of
contrastivity, probably, needs to be included in the basic prosodic set as
a special unit. We think also that some tonal configurations arising as a
result of standard modifications of underlying patterns should be included
in the prosodic inventary of Russian, being regarded as its «stored» units
. In particular, such is an expressive pronunciation of exclamations
producing an additional accent which transforms a neutral pattern =\ ('='
stands for a high level tone) into a 'hat' configuration /=\: -
Prevosxodno(/=\)!
'Wonderful!'. Thus, a provisional lexicon of prosodic units may contain not
only features and their combinations but also accentual and global
configurations providing an opportunity for generation of unlimited number
of different intonational
constructions (cf. 'levels of description' in [3]).
2.2. Tonal features and configurations
2.2.1. Direction. Following a Russian intonological tradition we describe
pitch accents in terms of glides. The sign '/' designates a a rising tone
with a trailing fall on the post-stress syllable whereas '\' means a
falling tone which is preceeded by a rise from the baseline. If the rise on
the stressed syllable is followed by a poststress high level tone, the sign
'/=' is used and, correspondently, '=\' designates a fall after high level
on the prestressed part. We have accepted also level tone as a possibility
for accented syllables ('-' for high and '_' for low) because it may
accompany a dynamic or quantitative accent.
All possible combinations of level and rising tones inside
accented syllables have been found in Russian dialogical replies: /-, -\,
_/, \_. Examples: - On posetil Ve-enu (/-), Ri-im(/-), Praagu(/-)... 'He
visited Vienna, Roma, Prague...'; A. - Eto sdelal Vanja. B. - Ax Va-anja(-
\). 'A.- This was done by Vanja. B. - Vanja! I see.' All complex tones with
the level component are durationally bimoraic (this is shown here by
doubling of the corresponding letter). At the same time combinations of
glides (/\, \/) inside a syllable may be both monomoraic and bimoraic. The
monomoraic ones may not be regarded as surface realizations of two
underlying tones, and phonetically they display properties of single units:
they have moderate duration (about 150 msec) and an integrated intensity
slope. They are normally used in answers which deny (/\) or confirm (\/)
presuppositions of discourse: A. - Ja mogu govorit' s Ivanovoj? B. - V
otpuske(/\) Ivanova. 'A. - May I talk to Ivanova? B. - Ivanova has
holidays'; A. - Ty kogda pridjosh? B. - V sredu(\/), kak dogovarivalis. '-
When will you come? B. - On Wednesday, as it was agreed.'
On the contrary, the bimoraic combinations of glides inside syllables
always present underlying pairs of tones. Normally, they go back to the
combinations of accents on stress and edge syllables and resulted from
their mergence caused by the lack of
the segmental material in a word. For example, the contour /=\ in
exclamations has a forced realization /+\ in the words with initial stress:
- Zdo-orovo(/+\)! (Compound tones are transcribed in the way known in
British intonology[2]: /+\ and \+/). Their phonetic difference from the
corresponding complex tones are rather clear: the accented vowels are much
longer (up to 300 msec) and have two picks in the intensity slope. Also the
range of tonal changes is much larger. The similar conditions cause another
sort of the compound tones inside the stress syllable, that is the
repetition of a glide: \+\ or /+/. Again, a prototypical pattern
presupposes placement of the repeated glide onto the edge syllable, and
just the absence of segmental material forces two accents to join. An
example with two separate accents on the neighbour syllables: A. - Ty razve
ne videl etot fil'm? B. - Videl (/+/). 'A. - Haven't you seen this film? B.
- Why? I have seen.' And now an example with a compound accent inside a
syllable: A.- Ty chto - ne dal jemu den'gi? B. - Da-al(/+/). 'Haven't you
given him money? B. - Why? I have given.' Our notation reflects a
phonologized representation of the tonal curve, because a more phonetically
oriented notation would have been like /\/ and \/\ (cf. [2]). Compound
tones inside accented syllables in all cases are representatives of
standard tonal configurations for clauses. In the section 3 we discuss
further details concerning the relation of these two forms of tonal curves.
The global analogue of tonal fall is widely known as declination. This
component of the sentence tonal curve presents the unmarked properties of
the baseline and we do not record it in our transcription.
As to inclination, it is a semantically loaded feature (it expresses
usually a kind of persuasion and is typical for advertising), and it is
marked obligatory as 'incl'.
2.2.2. Range and Register. The first of these features has only a local
hypostasis. We distinguish three values: a neutral interval (around 1/2
octave), a large interval (more than 2/3 octave), and a small interval
(less than 1/3 octave). Corresponding signs for the marked values are: //,
\\; /',\'. Accents with a small excursion are fixed only in the cases they
are perceptually relevant. An additional tonal gesture on the prestress
syllable
assisting to reach a larger interval on the stressed one is designated by
«z». In the case of a falling accent it marks a preceeding rise, whereas
before a rising accent it designates a
preceeding fall. Five values are envisaged for the feature 'Register':
'neutral' (no mark), 'high' (H), 'falcetto' (F), 'low' (L), and 'extra-low'
(EL). This feture may be used both locally and globally. Pairs of polar
values may accompany two directionally identical accents in semantically
opposed constituents: A. - Vanja reshil zadachu! B. - Ne tol'ko Vanja(\L),
no i Kolja(\H)! 'A.- Vanja has solved the problem! B. - Not only Vanja but
Nick also!' The global variant of falcetto is typical for ironical
questions, whereas the global variant of extra-low serves as a sign of self-
evident statements.
We did not include the feature 'Rate of Change' in our inventary
because its values is predetermined by values of the 'Range' and 'Duration'
features.
2.2.3. Timing. This feature defines the localization of a tonal change
inside a syllable. Our treatment of this opposition differs slightly from
that of C.Ode's [6] who introduced it into the set of features for Russian.
In the Ode's theory the final point of a tonal curve is of relevance: the
movement may ends at the initial part of a vowel ('early timing') or at the
final part ('late timing'). The author follows here the system of the Dutch
intonological school [3]. We believe that the difference is rather
connected with three modes of tonal shift: a level-like one (a change takes
place on the consonantal onset of a syllable) versus a contour-like one (a
change takes place on the vocalic nucleus of a syllable) versus a neutral
one (a movement spreads over both parts). The corresponding signs for
simple tones are: \c, /c; \v, /v; \, /. Also complex accents may have
different
timing. For example, a rise-fall may be realized just inside a vowel or be
distributed between the consonantal and vocalic parts: - A ved' ona jego
ljubit(/c\v)! '- But she loves him!' (an exclamation of a conjecture).
2.3. Non-tonal features
2.3.1. Duration and Intensity. The feature 'Duration' is of a great
semantic importance. Its marked values ('long' vs. 'short') are used for
expression of several related oppositions: long vs. short, non-limited vs.
limited, extensive vs. pointed. These oppositions function in three
pragmatic spaces: physical, temporal, and mental, and are in abundance in
texts. But they are usually ignored in phonetic descriptions in favour of
such superficial events as final lengthening. Also the global hypostasis of
duration (rate) is loaded semantically. In particular, a quick tempo ('qu')
is an obligatory sign of repeated questions: - [Kogda-kogda ty
prishol](qu)? 'Repeat, when did you come?' Thus, a consistent fixation of
all durational oppositions in the transcription of intonation is desirable.
Also the feature 'Intensity' does not receive usually a due attention.
However, it defines not only overall loudness of long streches of speech -
its accentual form fulfils important semantical functions. For axample, an
intensity accent is the only sign of a focus in the case of a focal
indefinite pronoun which does not accept a tonal accent shifting it to a
verb: - Tebe kto-to(!) zvonil(\). '- Somebody called to you'.
2.3.2. Articulatory features. These features are usually ignored in
descriptions of intonation as paralinguistic. But in fact they present an
indespensable component of the normal discourse. This is especially true in
the case of a spesific gesture marking contrastivity in Russian. It
presents an impulse-like downward movement of the larynx in the initial or
final part of an accented vowel which have some appreciable acoustical
consequences. A sharp increase of intensity is the most obvious cue. Also
considerable spectral changes take place which display a good accordance
with those predicted by Lindblom and Sundberg [5]. The way of recording
this pattern may be seen from the
following example: - Eto ne Vanja sdelal! Eto Kolja(-:)! 'It was done by
Nick and not by Vanja!' The sign '-:' designates a combination of the
downward laryngeal movement placed at the end of vowel with a prolongation
of vowel. The global variant of the discussed feature is found only in
expressive categorizations of large size objects.
Another common articulatory feature has only a global hypostasis. It
is a horizontal displacement of the tongue body which is independent of the
segmental composition of words. A front oriented movement (it is
accompanied by a lip spreading) is used as a gesture of appraisal (the sign
'<'), and a back oriented movement (it is accompanied by a lip protrusion)
serves as a gesture of discontent (the sign '>'). An integral nazalization
of an utterence or a clause (the sign '~') also occurs. Its expressive
functions need a further
investigation.
2.3.3. Phonation. All non-modal phonation types are actively involved in
non-formal speech: creaky (different kinds of evaluation), breathy (a high
degree of feeling), lax (a mild posture or a forced agreement), tense (a
tough posture or a disagreement). The first two phonations have also
accentual variants: glottal stop and aspiration at the end of accented
vowels.
Tense voice displays also a non-expressive function: it marks any
indication of the outer side of verbal signs. For example: [Po russki eto
nazyvajets'a «fonatsija»](tense) 'In Russian it is called «fonatsija».

3. PROSODIC STRUCTURES
3.1. Introduction
The intonation carries out a number of parallel functions: it marks the
communicative characteristics of semantic constituents (focus/topic,
new/given, contrastivity), expresses
illocutionary properties of utterances, shows evaluations of the introduced
content, indicates structural characteristics of clauses, and so on. In
general, all these functions are
independent and may be realized either by separate prosodic means or by
some clusters. Thus, an intonational analysis of a given clause presupposes
a reconstruction of its underlying componental structure. A descriptive
model should be able to present both deep and surface structures of
intonation.
3.2. Deep and Surface Representations
Accentual characteristics may have different scopes but be realized at the
same position. In particular, the accent of question in Russian normally
coincides with the focal one
whereas in Polish it functions separately being placed on the equivalents
of a sentence 'Is this your shirt?': - Eto twoja(/) rubashka?; - Czy to
jest twoja(\) koszula(/)? In Russian, a rising tone of question is
separated only in the situation of comparison where the repeated focal
member is dropped and the illocutionary tone is shifted onto the final
syllable of the
accented word: A. - Vanja prishol. B. - A Kolja(\+/)? 'A. - Vanja has come?
B. - And what about Kolja?'
A similar situation is found in the case of phase accent with
the meaning of continuity which may coincide with the focus of a clause or
function separately if the focus does not occupy the final position in the
clause: - Poglazhu rubashku(/), togda pojdem. or - Rubashku(\) poglazhu(/),
togda pojdem. ' - Only after I finish ironing my shirt, we go.' Thus, a
division of communicative tonal accents and boundary (illocutionary or
phasic) tones presupposed in the generative model for English intonation
[7] in most Russian sentences may be shown only in the underlying
representation.
Any compound tone inside a syllable undoubtly goes back to a
combination of two tonal accents. It was shown above that the accent /+\
may appear as a result of mergence of the /=\ - structure inside a word.
But, probably, it should be regarded as a
realization of even more deep structure comprising accents on stress
syllables of two independent words. Compare: - Kakoj prekrasnyj (/=\)! 'How
beautiful!', - Velikolepnyj (/=\)! 'Splendid!', - Di-ivnyj(/+\)
'Wonderful!'. In a similar way, a compound intrasyllabic accent of \+\-type
may be seen as a merged form of the prototypical configuration spread over
two words. Compare: - Xoroshaja(\) mysl'(\)! 'A good idea!' and - Zadumano
xorosho-o(\+\)! 'The plan is good!' Here the direction of focal tones has
either semantical (illocutionary) or structural (phasic) motivation. At the
same time, the direction of a tonal shift on the accented topic is
semantically empty and is conditioned by a pure phonetic tendency to
simplify the tonal curve: a tone of topic is adopted to a tone of focus.
For example: A. - Ivanov(\) - prijexal(/)? B. - A Ivanov(/) zabolel(\)! 'A.
- Has Ivanov come? B. - But Ivanov fell ill.'
A similar analytical approach should be spread onto nontonal prosodic
features and combinations of tonal and non-tonal characteristics of
utterences. But such investigations are arrested by a still rather limited
knowledge of the intonational semantics.

REFERENCES
[1] Bryzgunova J.A. 1980. Intonation. In Shvedova N.J. et all.(ed.).
Russian Grammar, v.1. Moscow: Nauka. (in Russian)
[2] Crystal D. 1972. The Intonation System of English. In Bolinger D.
(ed.). Intonation. Penguin Books.
[3] t' Hart J., Collier R. and Cohen A. 1990. A perceptual study of
intonation. Cambridge, etc.: Cambridge University Press.
[4] Kodzasov, S.V. 1996. A combinatorial model of sentence prosody. In
Nikolajeva T.M. (ed.), Prosodic pattern of Russian. Moscow: Russian
Language Institute. (in Russian)
[5] Lindblom, B.E.F. and Sundberg, J.E.F. 1971. Acoustical Consequences of
Lip, Tongue, Jaw and Larynx Movement. JASA: 50, 4 (Part 2), 1166-1179.
[6] Ode C. 1989. Russian Intonation: A Perceptual Description. Amsterdam:
Rodopi.
[7] Pierrehumbert, J. 1980. The phonology and phonetics of English
intonation. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, MIT.
[8] Selkirk E. 1995. Sentence Prosody: Intonation, Stress, and Phrasing. In
Goldsmith J.A. (ed.). The Handbook of Phonological Theory. Cambridge Mass.