Clitic doubling in a determinerless language with second position clitics Introduction: Clitic doubling, a phenomenon where an argument of the verb is doubled by a corresponding clitic, as in (1), is known from many languages, which all seem to share (at least) two things: they all have verb adjacent clitics and they all have determiners. Such languages include Bulgarian, Greek, Spanish, etc. Given a typical analysis of clitic doubling (e.g. Franks & King 2000, where the doubled clitics are treated as object agreement on the verb), one would not expect to find clitic doubling in languages with second position clitics. (1) Mene me e jad. (Bulgarian) me.ACC me.ACC be.3SG angry `I am angry.' (Franks & King 2000: 251) Contrary to such expectations, clitic doubling exists in Gorica Slovenian, a western Slovenian dialect, which places its clitics in the Wackernagel position. An example is given in (2). (2) Mene me zebe. (Gorica Slovenian [GoS]) me.ACC me. ACC cold.3SG `I am cold.' Clitic doubling or something else?: Anagnostopoulou (2006) points out that not every cooccurrence of a clitic and a DP argument within the same sentence is an instance of clitic doubling since various types of dislocation also create two instances of an argument. The clitic/DP argument cooccurrence of Gorica Slovenian is not an instance of Clitic Left Dislocation, since there is no need for the doubled DP argument to come first in the sentence, and it may very well follow the clitic, as in (3). (3) also shows that this is not a case of Right Dislocation, as the doubled DP need not appear at the right edge of the clause/sentence. (3) Ma to me mene ne briga. (GoS) but this me.GEN me.GEN not cares `But I don't care about this.' The phenomenon is also not a case of an appositive `doubling', which requires heavy comma intonation, and which is not restricted to Gorica Slovenian but is possible in Slovenian quite generally, (4). (4) Torej so ga, lisjaka zvitega, le ujeli. (Standard Slovenian) so are himACC dog-fox cunning at-last caught `So they managed to catch that cunning fox after all.' This exhausts the options for what else the clitic/DP argument cooccurrence in Gorica Slovenian could be, so we can only conclude that it is indeed a case of clitic doubling in the standard sense of the term. Furthermore, Arnaudova & Krapova (2007) claim that cliticdoubled full DPs (unlike dislocated DPs) cooccuring with a clitic in Bulgarian can be contrastively focused, wh-moved, and can serve as new information. And with respect to all of these, Gorica Slovenian doubling more or less behaves the same, (5), thereby confirming that the phenomenon is clitic doubling ((5c) as an answer to the question in (5b)). (5) a. Sebe se slisim, drugih ne. (GoS) self.ACC self.ACC hear others not 'I hear myself but not others.' b. Komu mu pase skocit u vodo? (judged GoS) whom him.DAT feels-like jump in water 'Who feels like jumping in the water.' c. Meni mi pase. (judged GoS) I.DAT I.DAT feels-like 'I feel like it (I do).'